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2019.07.25 09:04 SirDanHart Gaming Build - Revised because I live in Africa and delivery costs are high!

What will you be doing with this PC? Be as specific as possible, and include specific games or programs you will be using.
Gaming. Want to be in a position to play AAA games on the highest possible settings.
What is your maximum budget before rebates/shipping/taxes?
It would seem as though this has no become $1700. (Initially $2000, but import taxes are monstrous! ) in my home tongue though - R30 000 (thirty thousand South African Rands) Dollar to Rand hovers around 1/14.
When do you plan on building/buying the PC? Note: beyond a week or two from today means any build you receive will be out of date when you want to buy.
Within the next month.
What, exactly, do you need included in the budget? (ToweOS/monitokeyboard/mouse/etc)
Which country (and state/province) will you be purchasing the parts in? If you're in US, do you have access to a Microcenter location?
Gauteng, South Africa. No access to a Microcenter. Will be buying primarly from Amazon US, and these sites:
If reusing any parts (including monitor(s)/keyboard/mouse/etc), what parts will you be reusing? Brands and models are appreciated.
Will be using a reddragon mechanical keyboard K550 - 1, Redragon headset, Genius X-G500 gaming mouse, Philips 23 inch, 234el2sb
Will you be overclocking? If yes, are you interested in overclocking right away, or down the line? CPU and/or GPU?
Not really, unless I have to.
Are there any specific features or items you want/need in the build? (ex: SSD, large amount of storage or a RAID setup, CUDA or OpenCL support, etc)
Must have Geforce RTX 2080 Super.
Do you have any specific case preferences (Size like ITX/microATX/mid-towefull-tower, styles, colors, window or not, LED lighting, etc), or a particular color theme preference for the components?
Do you need a copy of Windows included in the budget? If you do need one included, do you have a preference?
So I've posted here before, and I was given some good guidance, but most posts seems to tend towards ryzen 3700x processors. I was recently told the following and wanted to check what you dudes/gals thought:
"There's no point going AMD. If you're going to be doing heavily multithreaded tasks (such as video encoding, scientific simulations, etc) they're definitely the better option at a given price point For gaming, however, even the Core i5-9400F can pretty much match AMD's finest. The gap is extremely small between everything from the Core i5-9400F and above, and for that very reason I wouldn't spend too much on a processor. That said, the Core i5-9600K is the sweet spot, as they can almost all overclock to 5 GHz, where they leave AMD quite far behind in gaming performance and at a lower price."
So i have compiled this list and wanted opinions. Thanks in advance! :
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2017.12.08 08:16 Thenateo “Dying to get a house?” The health outcomes of the South African low-income housing programme

“Dying to get a house?” The health outcomes of the South African low-income housing programme Lochner Marais*, Jan Cloete 1 Centre for Development Support (IB 100), University of the Free State, PO Box 339, Bloemfontein, South Africa article info Article history: Available online 26 February 2014 Keywords: Low-income housing Housing programmes Health outcomes abstract This paper examines the health impacts of the South African housing subsidy programme. A distinction is made between subsidised housing units, informal settlements (slums), informal housing units and formal urban areas, and the differences and similarities between the various typologies are explored. Binomial logistic and linear regressions are utilised in order to understand the relationships between the different housing typologies and health outcomes. Although subsidised housing units score better in terms of some adult and child health indicators, the binomial logistic and linear regressions show that health outcomes are more impacted by service-related factors than by housing structure. The results suggest that the housing subsidy policy framework should be reconsidered, taking into account the important role of urban services, particularly in regard to the upgrading of informal settlements. 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Introduction The link between housing and health has been firmly established in epidemiological research (Thomson & Petticrew, 2005). However, arriving at a full understanding of the causal relationships in this respect has proven to be more problematic (Bradley, Stephens, Harpham, & Cairncross, 1992; Galea & Vlahov, 2005; Thomson, Petticrew, & Morrison, 2002). Studies have noted that: “there is no widely shared consensus about the nature of the relationship between health status and domestic living conditions” (Roderick, 2006: 540) and that the “current interventions linking housing and health are woefully limited in both scope and scale” (Northridge, Sclar, & Biswas, 2003: 557). A systematic review of the literature considering the relationship between housing and health indicates that poor housing is strongly linked to poor health, giving rise to the question of whether “poor health can be improved by improving housing.” (Thomson & Petticrew, 2005: 3). A number of studies have debated this possible link between improved housing and improved health (Ambrose, 2000; Howden-Chapman et al., 2005; Krieger & Higgins, 2002; Krieger, Takaro, Song, & Weaver, 2005; Thomson, Petticrew, & Douglas, 2003; Thomson, Petticrew, & Morrison, 2009). Thomson and Petticrew (2005: 3) note that “[t]he well-established links between poor health, poor housing and poverty suggest that housing improvements in disadvantaged areas or social housing may provide a population-based strategy to improve health and reduce health inequalities”. On the other hand, some research findings indicate that improved housing increases the financial burden on households, which results in deterioration in health outcomes (Bradley et al., 1992; Krieger & Higgins, 2002). A recent paper on urban health in low-income countries argues that there is a strong “need to better understand how changes in the built environment in LMICs affect health equity” (Smit et al., 2011: 875). Since 1994, the South African government has embarked on one of the largest low-income housing programmes in the world, constructing approximately 3.3 million new housing units to date (Sexwale, 2013). Despite a substantial amount of international research and a few local case studies on health and housing, a national understanding of the potential impact of these subsidised housing units on health outcomes remains limited. This paper fills this gap by providing a national assessment of the health impacts of the South African subsidised housing programme. The intention is to provide a broad overview which can lay the foundation for more detailed and narrow assessments in the future. Housing and health: the international debate According to Roderick (2006), empirical studies show that eight main components of residential environments should be taken into consideration when examining the relationship between housing * Corresponding author. Tel./fax: þ27 514012978. E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected] (L. Marais), [email protected] (J. Cloete). 1 Tel.: þ27 514019111; fax: þ27 514014324. Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Habitat International journal homepage: 0197-3975/2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Habitat International 43 (2014) 48e60 and health. Three of these aspects are relevant to this paper. First, safe drinking water, adequate sanitation and adequate refuse removal have all been associated with good health (Hardoy, Milton, & Satterthwaite, 1992). It is particularly children’s health and growth that are compromised by poor access to water and sanitation (Agarwal, Satyavada, Patra, & Kumar, 2008; Bartlett, 1999, 2010; Moe & Rheingans, 2006). The health benefits of in-house water, as opposed to public stand-pipes, have also been noted (Bradley et al., 1992). A study in Brazil found that children with access to public stand-pipe water were 4.8 times more likely to die of diarrhoea than children who had water available on their stand (Bradley et al., 1992). Similarly, research in urban slums in India showed that better-serviced slums had lower levels of child mortality and morbidity (Agarwal & Taneja, 2005), while slums were worse off than formal urban areas (Agarwal, 2011). In Kenya, slum areas had even worse mortality and morbidity figures than rural areas (African Population and Health Research Center, 2002). Research conducted in slums in Nairobi has shown that infant, child and under-five mortality rates are respectively 20, 65 and 35% higher than in rural Kenya (Zulu et al., 2011). Higher infant mortality resulting from inadequate water access has also been noted in Brazil (Agarwal et al., 2008; Bradley et al., 1992). In addition, the outbreak of cholera is associated with poor water access and quality (Penrose, de Castro, Werema, & Ryan, 2010). Researchers have argued that the poor health outcomes of slums-dwellers of all ages can be attributed to poor environmental and infrastructural conditions, limited access to health services and preventative healthcare, and the poor quality of health services in such areas (Zulu et al., 2011). In the last decade, researchers have started to warn about deteriorating urban infrastructure, as this could likely have a negative impact on water quality (Galea & Vlahov, 2005). Meanwhile, poor housing conditions associated with the lack of refuse removal have been linked to asthma and other chronic diseases (Krieger & Higgins, 2002). Secondly, neighbourhood atmospheric conditions and indoor air quality (closely related to ventilation) have considerable impacts on health. Three major factors in this respect are industrial pollution, fuels used for cooking and heating and crowded occupancy conditions. The relationship between indoor living conditions (especially crowding) and airborne diseases such as tuberculosis (Agarwal et al., 2008; Krieger & Higgins, 2002) and respiratory diseases such as asthma has been well established (Alder, 1995; Krieger & Higgins, 2002; O’Campo & Yonas, 2005). Cold, damp and mouldy housing conditions have also been identified as health risks (Wilkinson, 1999). Meanwhile, energy-efficiency measures have been linked with a decrease in respiratory diseases (Thomson et al., 2009), although the outcomes in this regard are not always particularly clear (Wilkinson, 1999). Indoor pollution (related to heating and cooking fuels, smoking, etc.) and outdoor pollution contribute to more than three million deaths annually, of which 90% occur in developing countries (Galea & Vlahov, 2005). Once again, the risk factor for children seems to be higher (Bartlett, 1999; Roderick, 2006), and studies have shown that upgrading housing conditions leads to fewer days of absence from school (Northridge et al., 2003). High variation in indoor temperature has also been identified as a contributing factor to morbidity and mortality (Scovronick & Armstrong, 2012). Other concerns include the high level of injuries associated with a poor living environment (Krieger & Higgins, 2002; Saegeart, Freudenberg, Cooperman-Mroczek, & Nassar, 2003; Ziraba, Kyobutungi, & Zulu, 2011) and the relationship between dampness and headaches (Krieger & Higgins, 2002). Finally, the location of settlements in relation to social institutions (such as hospitals, health clinics and schools) and the affordability of the services offered by such facilities are important considerations. Access to vaccinations serves as a proxy measure in this respect. It is especially child vaccinations which are problematic; studies in India found that 60% of poor children living in urban areas have not been vaccinated by the age of one (Agarwal et al., 2008), while vaccinations in slums in Nairobi were found to be of poorer quality than those in formal urban areas (Table 1 provides a summary of the discussion). The South African debate: housing policy and health Historical urbanisation processes in South Africa have been well documented (Mabin, 1991, 1992; Posel, 1991), and the historical context in respect of urbanisation and housing is important to understand. For the purpose of this paper, we concentrate on three historical processes which influenced urbanisation and the housing crisis and delayed the ‘epidemiological transition’ in South Africa. In the first place, influx control played a profound role from 1910. This was a deliberate attempt to prevent the movement of black South Africans (mainly Africans, but Indian and Coloured communities as well) from rural to urban areas. With the rise of the apartheid state after 1948, influx control mechanisms were tightened (Mabin, 1992), but approximately 500 000 state rental houses were provided between 1950 and 1970. Although influx control managed to limit the rate of urbanisation, it did not prevent urbanisation completely. People continued to move to urban areas legally and/or illegally, in some cases following a process of circular migration (Mabin, 1992). A second process involved the forced removals of non-white South Africans (Mabin, 1991) and in some cases, the bulldozing of informal settlements (Harrison, 1992; Platzky & Walker, 1985). Thirdly, after influx control was abolished in 1985, it was replaced by a policy of orderly urbanisation (Wolfson, 1991). In practical terms, this meant that houses were delivered mainly to higher-income groups, and very little was done to make land available to lower-income households. Consequently, large numbers of black people rented formal and informal housing in the backyards of formal stands or lodged within such households (Hendler, 1991). The above-mentioned processes had three main consequences. First, because black urbanisation was delayed, the country did not benefit from the improvements in health that go along with urbanisation. Instead, South Africa experienced an urban health penalty as people settled in informal settlements. Second, once the mechanisms used to control urbanisation could no longer be policed (by the early 1990s), informal settlements developed on a large scale across South African cities (Wolfson, 1991), further contributing to the urban health penalty. In an attempt to address the sprawl of informal settlements in urban areas, the apartheid state provided funds to the Independent Development Trust (IDT) between 1992 and 1994 to initiate a site and service programme based on a capital subsidy (R7500). Third, significant numbers of people have settled in backyards of formal households (either informally or formally). It is within this context of circular migration, increasing urbanisation, increasing settlement in backyard dwellings, extensive informal settlements and the existing capital subsidy mechanisms of the IDT that the National Housing Forum designed a new housing policy just before the political transition in 1994. This policy was by and large accepted and implemented by the new post-apartheid government (Rust & Rubenstein, 1996). A number of key debates dominated the proceedings of the National Housing Forum (see Tomlinson, 1998), of which three are worth mentioning here. The first debate revolved around who the main supplier of housing should be e the state or the private sector. The second debate was about what type of subsidy was required, while the third centred on the size of the housing units to be constructed (the so-called breadth versus depth debate) e a theme which has remained L. Marais, J. Cloete / Habitat International 43 (2014) 48e60 49 pivotal in the South African housing environment. The outcomes of these debates included a continuation of the capital subsidy programme (albeit at an amount of R15 000 in order to subsidise a starter home in addition to services), an emphasis on private sector involvement in the development process, and the positioning of the housing subsidy programme within the macroeconomic realities of South Africa. These debates have continued long after the inception of policy. Scholars have pointed out that South African housing policy is the result of both international and local influences e “scan globally, reinvent locally” (Gilbert, 2002) e and that inflation has played a key role in reducing the size of the end-product (Gilbert, 2004). It is noteworthy that the original debate about housing size and the level of services to be provided was a balancing act between the pressure to provide ‘something substantial’ e an idealistic target of one million units in the first five years e and the macroeconomic limits of the South African state budget (Tomlinson, 1998). It was thus not long before the housing subsidy programme was criticised for being neo-liberal, technocratic and dominated by the private sector (Huchzermeyer, 2004; Khan, 2003; Lalloo, 1999). Khan (2003) even argued that the neo-liberal tendencies had a negative impact on health (although no empirical evidence was provided). Other points of criticism of the housing policy are the fact that the policy excludes backyard dwellers (Bank, 2007) and focuses exclusively on homeownership, despite research showing the important contribution that backyard rental dwellings make to the existing housing stock in South Africa (Crankshaw, Gilbert, & Morris, 2000). Issues related to health have received little attention in these debates, but the notion of health was prominently captured in the 1994 White Paper on Housing through phrases such as “healthy environment”, “health standards” and “the need to ensure basic health” (Department of Housing, 1994). There is a considerable body of research since the early 1990s that has focused on housing policy and informal settlements (Huchzermeyer & Karam, 2006; Khan & Thring, 2003; Marais & Ntema, 2013), but the amount of work on housing and health in South Africa remains small. This is starting to change, although there are still very few South African studies which relate the housing subsidy programme with other housing typologies. The available academic research (excluding Masters and Ph.D. theses) focuses on housing conditions and public health in general (Mathee, 2011; Thomas et al., 1999); the importance of infrastructure services, especially considering the HIV/AIDS pandemic in South Africa (Ambert, 2006; Letsoala, 2001; Vearey, Palmary, Thomas, Nunez, & Drimie, 2010); health in informal settlements e often compared with formal housing (De Wet, Plagerson, & Harpham, 2011; Shortt & Hammond, 2013); in-house housing temperatures (Scovronick & Armstrong, 2012); indoor air quality and health (Norman, Barnes, Mathee, & Bradshaw, 2007; Rollin, Mathee, Bruce, Levin, & Von Schirnding, 2004); lead exposure (Naicker, Richter, Mathee, Becker, & Norris, 2012); and housing conditions and mental health (Marais et al., 2013; Thomas, 2006). A small but wide-ranging body of post-graduate work has also focused on housing and health, with informal settlements being a Table 1 Framework for the analysis in the paper. Framework element Approach Housing and socio-economic indicators Health indicators Adults (the respondent) Children (interview conducted with a child younger than 15) The provision of water, adequate sanitation and adequate refuse removal - Compare housing attributes across different housing typologies with the health outcomes - Linear regressions; binomial logistic regressions - Housing and settlement typologies/Nature of housing structure - Socio-economic indicators (gender, hunger, age and availability of a fridge) - Nature of water access (including distance to water) - Access to sanitation - Toilet facility shared - Access to refuse removal - Household income/ expenditure - Levels of hunger amongst adults/children - Fridge available Last 30 days: Flu; fever; vomiting; persistent cough; cough with blood; diarrhoea; rash; skin disorders; eye infection; yellow eyes - Infant mortality (total and for women younger than 48) - Child mortality (total and for women younger than 48) - % of Children stunted - % of Children overweight - % of Children underweight - Standard numeracy score Relationship between neighbourhood atmospheric conditions and indoor air quality (closely related to ventilation) has considerable impacts on health - Compare housing attributes across different housing typologies with the health outcomes - Linear regressions; binomial logistic regressions - Housing and settlement typologies/nature of housing structure - Socio-economic indicators (gender, hunger, age and availability of a fridge) - Energy used for heating - Energy used for cooking - Housing density (average number of rooms per house/ average number of people per room) - Levels of hunger amongst adults/children - Fridge available Last 30 days: Persistent cough; body ache; headache; serious injury Diagnosed with x in the last five years: TB Asthma Occupancy conditions are closely related to airborne infections as well as to the likelihood of domestic accidents Location of settlements in relation to social amenities and affordability Compare access to health services across different typologies - Housing and settlement typologies/nature of housing structure - Children born in hospital - Children with birth certificate - Children born in the presence of a doctor - Children born in the presence of a nurse - Children with clinic card 50 L. Marais, J. Cloete / Habitat International 43 (2014) 48e60 common theme. More specifically, this post-graduate work has focused on HIV/AIDS and TB (Jacobs, 2005; Nyembe, 2001; Sesing, 2002); general health status and needs assessments in informal settlements (Mdlalose, 2004; Sikhutshwa, 2000; Van Wyk, 2008); health and malnutrition (Mncube, 2003); respiratory disease (Makene, 2008); water quality and health (Bokako, 2000; Lucas, 2009); health risks associated with kerosene use (Muller, 2002); psychiatric disorders (Robertson, 1994); physical activity (Mncube, 2003; Tshabangu, 1999); medicine use or prescription patterns (Shingwenyana, 2001); and the polio virus (Rautenbach, 1997). Other urban aspects related to health that have been researched are backyard dwellings (Govender, 2011) and hostels (Kiangi, 1998), while the concepts of marginal urban areas and low-income settlements are used to conceptualise different forms of urbanity (Seedat, 2001). Govender, Barnes, and Pieper (2011) have also related poor health in subsidised housing units to poor planning. One key policy aspect that receives constant attention is the size of the actual housing product being delivered. As noted by Charlton and Kihato (2006: 266), “the introduction of the ‘norms and standards’ in 1999 placed increasing focus on improving the quality of the top-structure or house. Ironically this resulted in a compromise on the service levels.” It should be noted, though, that some municipalities have continued to provide the required urban infrastructure even after the norms and standards increased in 1999. Some researchers have argued that the emphasis on macroeconomic stability limited the size of the subsidy, resulting in homes that are small (between 24 m2 and 40 m2 ), and according to some, inadequate (Khan, 2003). A few final points of criticism of South Africa’s housing policy come from housing researcher Marie Huchzermeyer. Firstly, she notes that housing subsidy units are usually located on the periphery of urban areas, resulting in poor access to urban amenities such as medical services (Huchzermeyer, 2004). Secondly, although a new informal settlement upgrading instrument was accepted in the mid-2000s (Huchzermeyer, 2006), marking an acceptance of incremental upgrading of informal settlements (including backyard dwellings), the latest tendencies suggest that the focus has now shifted towards an over-emphasis on “eradication”, “elimination” and “zero tolerance”, all of which are commonly used to displace people (Huchzermeyer, 2010). In conclusion, there are five main lessons that can be drawn from the existing work on housing and health outcomes in South Africa. Results are (1) mainly inconclusive (as is the case internationally), (2) based on self-reporting, and (3) often contradictory; (4) age plays perhaps the most important role in respect of the health profile of a population, and (5) informal settlements are a common area of investigation, with limited reference made to backyard dwellings, hostels and other urban typologies. In terms of the focus of this paper, no literature was found that specifically investigates the health impacts of either the housing subsidy programme overall or the new policy direction of providing bigger homes with less infrastructure services. It is to this aspect that the paper now turns. Methods This paper is a cross-sectional analysis of data collected during the National Income Dynamics Study (NiDS). Conducted by the Southern Africa Labour Development and Research Unit at the University of Cape Town, the NiDS is a panel study of South African households that focused primarily on household and individual livelihood but also covered a range of socio-economic issues. The study consisted of approximately 16 500 adults (aged 15 and older) and 9500 children (under 15 years of age) in 7300 households. Statistics South Africa collected the data using a stratified, twostage cluster sample design. Although the study is repeated biennially, with surveys having been conducted in 2008, 2010 and 2012 (for more information see Leibbrandt, Woolard, & De Villiers, 2009), this paper makes use of only the data collected in 2008. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), Version 20 was used for modelling. Taking into consideration the four elements discussed in the literature review, this paper utilises two approaches and a range of indicators. In the first place, five typologies (representing overlapping groupings of common housing situations with varying housing unit, settlement and service characteristics) are discussed and compared through a process of cross-tabulation in terms of socioeconomic characteristics and health outcomes. The following settlement typologies were analysed (see Tables 2 and 3): (1) subsidised housing e housing units constructed through the subsidy programme within the ambit of formal urban town-planning Table 2 Profile of the housing, settlement and services conditions for the various typologies in South Africa, 2008. Housing characteristics Subsidised housing Informal settlement Informal housing Formal settlement (%) South Africa (%) Total (%) Makene, C. (2008). Housing-related risk factors for respiratory disease in low cost housing settlements in Johannesburg, South Africa (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Marais, L., & Ntema, J. (2013). The upgrading of an informal settlement in South Africa: twenty years onwards. Habitat International, 39, 85e95. Marais, L., Sharp, C., Pappin, M., Lenka, M., Cloete, J., Skinner, D., et al. (2013). Housing conditions andmental health of orphansin South Africa.Health and Place, 24, 23e29. Mathee, A. (2011). Environment and health in South Africa: gains, losses, and opportunities. Journal of Public Health Policy, 32, S37eS43. Mdlalose, M. (2004). Health needs assessment study in Doornkop informal settlement (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Mncube, A. (2003). Physical activity and health profiles of adult black men living in urban informal settlements (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Pretoria: University of Pretoria. Moe, C., & Rheingans, D. (2006). Global challenges in water, sanitation and health. Journal of Water and Health, 4(Suppl.), 41e57. Muller, E. (2002). Quantification of the human health risks associated with kerosene use in the informal settlement of Cato Manor, Durban (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Durban: University of Natal. Naicker, N., Richter, L., Mathee, A., Becker, P., & Norris, S. (2012). Environmental lead exposure and socio-behavioural adjustment in the early teens: the birth to twenty cohort. Science of the Total Environment, 414, 120e125. Norman, R., Barnes, B., Mathee, A., & Bradshaw, D. (2007). Estimating the burden of disease attributable to indoor air pollution from household use of solid fuels in South Africa in 2000. South African Medical Journal, 97(8), 764e771. Northridge, M., Sclar, D., & Biswas, P. (2003). Sorting out connections between the built environment and health: a conceptual framework for navigating pathways and planning healthy cities. 80(4), 556e568. Nyembe, L. (2001). An investigation into home-based care as a continuum of the comprehensive health care provision for people living with AIDS at Umlazi and its informal settlements in health region F of KwaZulu-Natal (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Durban: University of KwaZulu-Natal. O’Campo, P., & Yonas, M. (2005). Health of economically deprived populations in cities. In S. Galea, & D. Vlahov (Eds.), Urban health handbook. Populations, methods and practice (pp. 43e62). New York: Springer. Penrose, K., de Castro, M., Werema, J., & Ryan, E. (2010). Informal urban settlements and cholera risk in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. A compendium on health of urban poor in Africa. New Delhi: Urban Health Resource Center. Platzky, L., & Walker, C. (1985). The surplus people: Forced removals in South Africa. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. Posel, D. (1991). Curbing African urbanization in the 1950 and 1960s. In M. Swilling, R. Humphries, & K. Shubane (Eds.), Apartheid city in transition (pp. 19e32). Cape Town: Oxford University Press. Rautenbach, P. d. (1997). An overview of environmental monitoring for polio-virus with an application in an informal settlement area (Unpublished master’s degree). Pretoria: University of Pretoria. Robertson, B. (1994). Psychiatric disorder in Africa children and adolescents in an informal settlement area, Khayelitsha (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Cape Town: University of Cape Town. Roderick, J. (2006). Housing and health: beyond disciplinary confinement. Journal of Urban Health, 83(3), 540e548. Rollin, H., Mathee, A., Bruce, N., Levin, J., & Von Schirnding, J. (2004). Comparison of indoor air quality in electrified and un-electrified dwellings in rural South African villages. Indoor Air, 14, 208e216. Rust, K., & Rubenstein, S. (1996). A mandate to build: Developing consensus around a national housing policy in South Africa. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. Saegeart, S., Freudenberg, N., Cooperman-Mroczek, J., & Nassar, S. (2003). Healthy housing, a structured review of published evaluations of US interventions to improve health by modifying health in the United States, 1990e2001. American Journal of Public Health, 93(3), 1471e1477. Scovronick, N., & Armstrong, B. (2012). The impact of housing type on temperaturerelated mortality in South Africa. 113, 46e51. Seedat, M. (2001). Best practices for injury prevention in low-income South African settlements (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Pretoria: University of South Africa. Sesing, Y. (2002). An investigation into TB and its relationship with HIV/AIDS in the informal settlement of Joubertina (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Pretoria: University of South Africa. Sexwale, T. (22 May 2013). Human settlements budget speech by Minister Tokyo Sexwale to the National Assembly. Shingwenyana, N. (2001). Prescribing patterns for patients attending a health centre in an informal urban settlement in Gauteng for the period March 2003 to June 2003 (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Shortt, N., & Hammond, D. (2013). Housing and health in an informal settlement upgrade in Cape Town, South Africa. Journal of Housing and the Built Environment. Sikhutshwa, N. (2000). The impact of informal settlements on the health status of the residents at Holomisa Camp (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Ulundi: University of Zululand. Smit, W., Hancock, T., Kumaresen, J., Santos-Burgoa, C., Sánchez-Kobashi Meneses, R., & Friel, S. (2011). Toward a research and action agenda on urban planning/design and health equity in cities in low and middle-income countries. Journal for Urban Health, 88(5), 875e885. Thomas, E. (2006).
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2017.06.09 15:44 Uncle_Retardo Uncle_Retardos Top 10 Tips to Picking up Ladies in South Africa

Hello Guys I have written a brief but helpful guide to picking up women in South Africa. The general population on southafrica are 20-30 year old dudes that are either at university or they work in IT so this handy bit of information pertains to that demographic. Meeting ladies in this country can be a bit tricky for guys who are too busy studying or creating dank memes to put of facebook so everything I write comes from my own experiences in the dating world. Its called UncleRetardos 10 Tips to Picking up Ladies in South Africa.
1) First of you need to take a look at yourself in the mirror and decide if you need a haircut or shave. The fashion these days is to have a beard so don't worry if its a bit patchy just take a look at how Leo Di Caprio shapes his face pubes and take it from there. Go to a barber and tell the man you need too look sharp cause you are going to take a selfie later on.
2) Decide how you want to meet women. There are two ways: Real life and Online dating. I find picking up chicks at the baclub/petshop/woolorths etc a bit risky because you never know if they are married/have children/secret cocaine addiction etc and that is not worth the hassle, trust me. There are loads of dating apps and websites that are great to promote your single self to the females of South Africa. Tinder is not that big in SA but choose dating sites like komonsklik, datingbuzz, love2meet etc they are all owned by the same company.
3) Setting up your online dating profile is easy but you must put alot of thought into it. Only make one profile or you will look like a doos because the dating lab will share your profile through all of its online appellations. Choose a clever funny nickname like BoksburgNinja666 or HenryTheHatTipper or maybe even something like KatanaExpert69 or even more hilarious how about TheDankestMemeLord but don't choose something boring like Boerseun123 or MrLogical those are kind of boring.
4) A picture is what sells. Make sure to take a selfie of yourself holding the phone above your eyelevel, don't hold it low, nobody wants to see whats inside your nostrils plus you will look fat. Only pout your lips slightly, stare not into the camera then take a pic. Go on MSpaint and airbrush out any weird stains on your shirt then upload the pic. From there, start filling in details about yourself like your age, location, hobbies etc. Take your time and write about things you like to do, what type of woman you are looking for and so on. If you like Magic the Gathering, say so, or you like looking for Pokemons? There are loads of like minded ladies that love that type of stuff.
5) Yay! Your profile is complete. Now its time to get down to business and find a match. There are two very important things to remember here; Location and Age. Don't bother searching for matches in Durban if you live in Joburg, it does not work like that, you need a match in your area, you don't want to drive 700km just to meet someone for coffee. Also, don't bother with women under 40, they are not easy and will try seduce you into marrying them and having children. You don't want that right now. I find the 45-60 age group the most accessible, usually by that time they are divorced and their kids have moved out. If they only have a pic of their face, click it, they probably have a big butt which means you are more likely to score. If you are in Joburg like me don't look for action in Sandton/Fourways/Parktown area, they may be cougars out there but they will bite your sausage off if you upset them like ignoring them or taking a piss on the bed in the morning cause you are still too drunk from the night before. I find the more South of Joburg you go the easier the access, if you know what I'm saying, bow chica wow wow, I find Randburg, Roodeport, Florida all the way to Mondeor is a gold mine of horny old ladies.
6) Yeah so I just remembered you might have to pay for a subscription for the dating sites so you can send messages but sometimes you might get likely and some hottie will pm her whatsapp of FB name and you can take it from there. Always meet for coffee first, that way you can check for warts, oral herpes and stuff and make sure everything is kosher on the outside. Usually try meet for coffee on a Saturday afternoon so if all is clear she will probably invite you over for some rumpy pumpy on Sunday.
7) So its Sunday and time for some action. Always make sure to meet at her house not yours, trust me on this one, you don't want someone ringing your intercom at 3am on a Tuesday screaming stuff about ...''missed my cycle'' ...your gonna be a daddeeeee''... etc Wear a rubber or if it makes your ding dong soft then just stick it up her pooper or bust a nut in her hair. Women love that, trust me. Try only meet once a week otherwise you will be considered her property.
8) Cocaine. Do not date a woman who snorts copious amounts of that stuff, she will keep you all night, I know it sounds fun huh? Nope. Stay very far away from that. Alcohol is fine, when she is drunk she will not mind if you sneak ur chommie into butthole, mouth, nostrils etc. Women over 60 are still deadly horny but you will need to do most of the work, you don't want her to break a hip cause of osteoporosis while she is jumping up and down on you.
9) If you have finally found a Friday Night Floozy then that is great but if things are not working out then you will need to hit the gym, specifically cardio and running, delete you facebook, change your number, install extra IR beams in the driveway and consult a paternity lawyer. You are too young to be a father and now you will have to fork out a bunch of money for school tuition, food, holidays, clothes and phone contracts.
10) Online Dating is the easiest way to score if you are a young twenty something maybe thirty something South African white male living in the Gauteng area doing ni/IT looking for some action with older women. The golden rule to a successful meetup is just be yourself. If you have, for example, a vast collection of My Little Pony horses then don't be afraid to express it, give your date a personalized knitted brony artwork with her name on it on the first date, women love that creative mystery of a ninchuck welding hat tipping neckbeard. Good Luck.
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